UPDATE:  See the text of David Yu's speech, "The Importance of Uyghur-Western Solidarity", attached at the end of this post

The Future of Uyghur-Han Chinese Relations

Live Blog of a Panel Discussion sponsored by the Laogai Research Foundation, National Endowment for Democracy, and the Uyghur American Association
Featuring Nury Turkel, Attorney at Law; Dr. Sean R. Roberts, George Washington University; and David Yu, Publisher, Beijing Spring
Moderated by Amy Reger, Uyghur Human Rights Project; and Louisa Greve, National Endowment for Democracy
 

10:00 AM - Louisa Greve introduces partners in the panel discussion, including the Laogai Research Foundation and the Uyghur American Association.  She speaks on NED's support for 25 years, and notes the importance of minority rights in their work.  

10:13 AM - The NED supported the Uyghur Human Rights Project, headed up by Nury Turkel.  Since then 3 more grants support Uyghurs and develop projects that act as "a voice for the voiceless." (Read more after the jump)

10:16 AM - NED's grantees are "advocating peacefully for the realization of Uyghur democratic rights and freedoms."  All these organizations condemn violence and support the human rights of all peoples of China.

10:18 AM - Louisa introduces Harry Wu and the Laogai Research Foundation

10:22 AM - Harry welcomes the discussion participants.  Harry notes that he traveled to XinJiang twice in the 1990s.  He begins to speak about his experience there, where he once witnessed violence against Uyghurs.  "Why do the Chinese join together to fight the Uyghurs?... I was in China many years and I never knew about the fight between the Uyghurs."

"My brother was in XinJiang around 35 years.  He was a member of the BingTuan... Bing Tuan is a big problem in XinJiang."  BingTuan is a military force in XinJiang.

10:24 AM - Harry speaks about the Laogai system in XinJiang noting that there are many people in the Laogai that "never come back."

10:26 AM - "Today we have many prisoners including Rebiya Kadeer and her two sons... We really need to think about what will happen to the Uyghurs in China... I hope the Uyghurs will be like Tibet, and will fight against China for their independence."

10:28 AM - Amy Reger, of the Uyghur American Association, introduces the Special Exhibit of the Laogai Musuem - "The Uyghur Experience: 60 Years Under Chinese Communist Rule".  

10:30 AM - Amy introduces Dr. Sean R. Roberts and his presentation "From Dangerous Terrorists to Ungrateful and Unproductive Minorities: Shifting Han Perceptions of Uyghurs in China as a Result of the July Events."  He predicts the events of July 5 caused a major shift in Han Chinese perceptions of Uyghurs. 

10:35 AM - Dr. Roberts draws a parallel between new stereotypes of Uyghurs in China and minorities in the US.  He received a frank email from a Han Chinese man: "The reason for the riot...is the overpampering of Uyghurs by the Chinese government... it only makes them weak, they lose the competitive edge in business..."  Another Han Chinese man suggested that Uyghurs "were lazy because they prayed too much."  Protests by Han Chinese suggest that these stereotypes run deep in the XinJiang region.

10:36 AM - Dr. Roberts suggests that the causes of the July events were influenced by rapid economic development, especially as XinJiang becomes an important area for the Hydrocarbon pipeline. 

10:38 AM - The state is developing incentives and opportunities for Uyghurs - "the 'entitlements' are aggravating Han Chinese", but many of these "entitlements" are viewed as an attempt to "destroy their culture".  Dr. Roberts forsees a deepening of the growing rift between Uyghurs and Han Chinese in the region.  He suggests that the development agenda in XinJiang must change to repair relations.  

10:40 AM - Amy introduces Dr. David Dahai Yu and his presentation, "The Importance of Uyghur-Western Solidarity".  

10:43 AM - Dr. Yu asserts that the past years have been terrible for Han Chinese and Uyghurs alike under Communism, but the Communist government was established by Han Chinese, but the Uyghurs did not select it in any way.

10:45 AM - The Chinese brand of Nationalism "is really Chinese chauvinism" so "it is no surprise that Uyghurs became dissatisfied."  "As a Chinese dissident I know very well the slander tactics of the Chinese government," which were used to discredit Uyghur independence and democracy advocates.

10:47 AM - Dr. Yu points out the irony of the Atheist Communist government branding other "religious extremists".  He points out that mainstream Uyghur groups are non-violent, though the Chinese government works to portray Uyghurs as terrorists.

10:50 AM - Han Chinese seem to believe that the Uyghur people are "hell-bent" on achieving independence - and this affects Chinese dissidents, as even a hint of sympathy for independence movements seems to be enough justification for banning of their publications.  

10:55 AM - Dr. Yu suggests that the Uyghurs make a greater effort to reach out - "after all, they are fated to live side-by-side with billions of Han Chinese".  He points to Tibetan efforts to reach out to Chinese as "impressive". 

10:56 AM - Dr. Yu pledges to do his part as a Chinese dissident to support Uyghur issues. He believes it is important for Uyghurs to develop Uyghur-Western relations, and stay committed to secularism and human rights, in order to improve their relations with Han Chinese.  

10:57 AM - Dr. Yu quoted the text "China is Displeased", which he finds more aggressive than the official line - its expresses that China is being "bullied by the US", that it has superior values, and that it can replace the US as the "leader of the world".  "20 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall the struggle between liberalism and authoritarianism still has no end."

11:00 AM - "A new Cold War may be in the offing...  In this struggle the Uyghurs may have a unique and vital role to play."  US support for groups of this type is an imperative beyond human rights - "it is a matter of national security."  

11:02 AM - Amy introduces Nury Turkel and his presentation, "Chinese government propaganda and perceptions of Uyghurs in the PRC."  

11:05 AM - Turkel briefly introduces historic perceptions of Uyghurs in China - "sing and dance well".  US focus on terrorist threats may have damaged perceptions of Uyghurs. During the Olympics, many hotels banned Uyghurs from their facilities. 

11:06 AM - After the Olympics, Chinese retaliation and pressure increased. During the July 5 events, one Han Chinese man was reportedly upset that the Chinese government reported only 2 Uyghur deaths when he himself claimed to have killed 5 Uyghurs.  

11:09 AM - Images of violence circulating regarding struggles in the Uyghur region will not help resolve conflict.  Chairman Wang Lequan called for "zhenya" - which roughly translates to "kill to clean" or "complete suppression" - these are very different verbal techniques than those used in Tibet.

11:13 AM - One image shows a Chinese policeman standing by as Han Chinese attack Uyghurs.  Yet Chinese media primarily show images of injured Han Chinese, but do not circulate images (like this sample) of Han Chinese with cameras and sticks preparing to threaten Uyghurs.  

11:15 AM - Propaganda methods: Turkel says it "shocks the conscience" that Rebiya Kadeer's children were made to publicly denounce her on TV.  

11:16 AM - However, many Uyghurs feel inspired by the organization of support that has accompanied the retaliation and pressure. 

11:19 AM - Turkel suggests increasing dialogue with Han Chinese dissidents and world-wide advocates and academics, to improve understanding of Uyghur grievances.  He also suggests promoting a call for an end to the Chinese official propaganda campaign and allow a free flow of information around Uyghur issues.

 Q & A Highlights

Q (from Louisa Greve): How will the internet affect negative Han perceptions of Uyghurs?  Are there any bright spots?

A(Turkel): The internet has played a significant role in exchange of information between Uyghurs... Yes, the Uyghurs have been very effective, particularly outside China.  There are several Uyghur websites that may have been used to discuss the governments negligence in punishing criminals that beat up Uyghur workers before the July 5 events.  I've seen blogs that discuss how bad it is for Uyghurs to give up their cultural heritage - and there is a movement online to support Uyghur cultural heritage.  Since July 5, many of those websites have been shut down and no one is talking about it.  It is critically important for people in the West to encourage the Chinese government to open up.

(Roberts): It is a place for dialogue.  Freedom of speech is important for establishing any kind of discussion of these issues.  I find that my blog is frequently accessed in China.  I think the ability for people to have these discussions somewhat anonymously allows for at least one area where you could have these discussions that you couldn't have in the public sphere otherwise.  

Q (Thomas): During the July unrest, Indonesians and Turkish people expressed concern - do they have any influence on human rights issues in China?

A (Turkel): I do know that Turkish support has yielded some positive results.  I believe that there is contact between the Islamic Conference and China, and as you know China has good relations with many Islamic countries.  The Turkish government seems to have increased dialogue with China while speaking up on behalf of the Uyghurs.  I believe at least 1,000 Uyghurs are being granted citizenship in Turkey, as part of one effort.  We do know ongoing visits and discussion are happening between Turkey and China.

 

Q: Telecommunications are all blocked now in XinJiang - do you know why?

A (Roberts): This is a very serious discussion and needs to be discussed diplomatically.  It's unprecedented to have a loss of communication of this type. I've lost all communications with people I know in XinJiang, and I know for people with family there its a serious concern.  I assume its shut off in the entire region for both Uyghurs and Han Chinese.  Which also means that we have absolutely no idea what is going on in the region.  

 

Q: 

A (Roberts): Some of the affirmative action-type programs that have been done to encourage integration of Uyghurs into Han Chinese, some of these have been successful.  And before this time these programs were not available.  Since we have lost communication with everyone in XinJiang, we don't know for sure, but I would speculate that these events have left a sour taste for [Uyghurs who have taken advantage of affirmative action opportunities]. 

 

Q (Nicole Kempton): It seems to me that there's a lot of misunderstanding culturally between Han Chinese and Uyghurs - I wonder if any of the panelists can touch on strategies for getting past superficial misunderstandings like this that are fueled by government policies.

A (Yu): When we grew up in China, we knew very little about the Uyghur way of life.  In fact, I didn't know Uyghurs were Muslim until my teens.  It was very remote from our lives.  The Dalai Lama was always a very hot topic, even when he was portrayed as evil.  What can we do? I guess, one thing is just to have more interaction in general.  The Tibetans invite many Chinese to Dharamsala - and its a very instructive and moving experience.  At Beijing Spring, we try to promote this understanding.  But so far we don't have a lot of material or experience in this area.  

 

Q (Maranda): Is there any inter[ethnic] marriage going on in XinJiang right now? 

A (Turkel): I lived [in XinJiang] for 20 years, and I only knew of one such case.  It may have changed since then, there may have been a few more.  From that case, I know it was very difficult to build a family.  It's very uncommon for Uyghurs.  And Uyghurs don't hang around with many Han Chinese, although it may be very different for Uyghur elites.  I don't think ordinary Uyghurs or rural Uyghurs interact with Han Chinese very often.  I think that Uyghurs with many Han friends may be seen awkwardly by other Uyghurs, because of the relationship of power. 

(Roberts): Its very striking, the difference between across the border in the former Soviet Union and in XinJiang, and that's also what got me so interested in the region.  In Uzbekistan, inter-marriage was very common, and people always had friends across ethnic lines.  XinJiang is completely different.  The Chinese has really put a lot of pressure to prevent any Uyghur political activity in Kazakhstan.

 

Q: You mentioned many suggestions for improving relations between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, and Uyghurs and the West - and I think many of those things are being done.  What can Chinese dissidents do to improve the situation of Uyghurs?

A (Louisa Jiang): Anytime we talk about how the two peoples interact, there are so many hurdles and so much brain-washing thrown in their path, that its difficult to have a reasonable discussion

 

Q (RFA): Population transfer is threatening Uyghur lifestyle and environmental sustainability in XinJiang - what will happen after this?  The situation is becoming extreme.  Even if we can have a conversation with the Chinese government, what will Uyghurs do in the meantime?

A(Yu): I really admire the positions taken by the Uyghur groups and the community at large, especially non-violence.  I see that the Uyghurs have made the decision to ally with the West and I think that is a wise choice.  In the face of the July 5 events, every word you say is examined by the Chinese government.  I think its important for the Uyghur community to reinforce their commitment to non-violence.  Given what the Chinese government is up to, its very important not to give the Chinese government an opening in this regard.  As to what Han Chinese can do to encourage friendship with Uyghurs - Ms. Kadeer with Chinese people paid tribute to the Han Chinese and Uyghurs who lost their lives in the violence in July.  I think this interaction at the human level is important.

When the Tibetan write about their problems, they tend to write in a way most Chinese can understand.  I haven't seen a lot of Uyghur writing that really touches the nerves of the Chinese.  We'd be very happy to sit down with you to formulate your positions so that they are easier to understand and accept by the Chinese.  I am a tiny minority among the Chinese, but dissidents are able to speak their minds and that is valuable, but you should try to reach the Chinese community at large.

(Roberts): One thing that strikes me as important is to really look at what is happening in XinJiang from the point of development.  China is increasingly being seen as an OECD country, a country that is donating money to other countries.  In the development community, at the UN and the World Bank, there's a lot of discussion of how to work with China internationally and encourage responsible approaches to development.  There's no likelihood that the government is going to stop its development push in XinJiang, but it could be made more responsible.  I feel that the question of development is slightly more politically neutral and you might be able to find a larger constituencies internationally to engage the Chinese government. 

(Turkel): We have to remain hopeful.  The Chinese government is not showing any change in their policies.  They are still continuing to transfer Uyghur women in particular to inner provinces.  But we have to remain hopeful.  We have to extend diplomatic pressure - I think that's the only way to make the Chinese realize that their minority policies have been a disaster.  

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