News & Views

Live from the Banned Book Fair in New York

Laogai Research Foundation is attending Human Rights in China's first Banned Book Fair, cohosted by Fordham Law School's Leitner Center for International Law and Justice.

Be sure to check the HRIC video feed of events - watch for Harry Wu around 4:45 (EST) this afternoon!

Editor's note: This event has already passed. Please listen to audio of Harry's speech
here.

There are quite a few human rights organizations participating: International Campaign for Tibet, Students for a Free Tibet, the Uyghur American Association, PEN American Center/Independent Chinese PEN, Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, and Reporters Without Borders (hope we're not forgetting any!). For more on the Book Fair, click here.

China to Execute More Uyghurs

According to Xinhua (via Reuters and BBC), earlier today the Chinese government pressed forward in the campaign against the Uyghur’s arrested after the July riots in East Turkestan (Xinjiang) that left approximately 200 people dead and wounded an additional 1,600 people, according to government statistics.  In a court in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, five more people were sentenced to death.

Previously, nine were executed last month and three others were given the death penalty with a two year reprieve. 

Along with the five sentenced to death, eight other individuals received prison time, with two receiving life in prison.  This new batch of sentences brings the total number of July uprising convictions to 34, with five more cases to be heard in court tomorrow.

For more on the struggle of the Uyghur people and the occupation of East Turkestan, please see Harry Wu's interview with Rebiya Kadeer and the Uyghur American Association.
 

Free Liu Xiaobo

The Laogai Research Foundation is launching a ten day Twitter campaign to advocate the release of Liu Xiaobo. A Chinese dissident who has long advocated for human rights and democracy inside China, Liu was one of the primary authors of Charter 08, an online manifesto promoting peaceful political reform in China that has accumulated 10,000 signatures since its initial launch on December 10, 2008. Liu was detained on December 8, 2010, two days before the release of Charter 08, and held without charge until June of 2009, when he was charged with "Incitement to subversion of the state." To this day Liu has not been granted a trial.

To mark the one year anniversary of Liu's detention, we have initiated a ten day Twitter campaign. To join the campaign, click here and click retweet. We also encourage you to share this with your friends via Facebook, email, your personal blogs, even in person! At midnight on December 10, in honor of the one year anniversary of the release of Charter 08, we will count the number of retweets and followers we've had, and include that number in a letter advocating Liu Xiaobo's release. The letter will be sent on December 11 to President Obama, President Hu Jintao of China, the Chinese Embassy, and the Supreme People's Procuratorate of China.

Please help Liu Xiaobo by joining our campaign and spreading the word!

 

劳改研究基金会正在发起一项为期10天的Twitter运动,

敦促中国政府释放刘晓波。作为中国的一名不同政见者,刘晓波一直致力于呼吁中国实现人权和民主,他是参与起草了促进中国和平政治改革的网络宣言《08宪章》,该宣言的签署人数现已多达一万。刘晓波在《宪章》发布前两天,即2008年12月8日被中共当局逮捕,并一直被非法关押,直至到2009年6月,他被中国政府控以“煽动颠覆国家政权”罪。至今,刘晓波尚未获得审判。

为纪念刘晓波被捕一周年,我们发起了一项为期10天Twitter的运动。加入这一活动,请点击这里,然后点击retweet。我们也鼓励您通过Facebook、电子邮件、您的个人博客甚至你的朋友来共襄盛举!在12月10日午夜,即《08年宪章》发布一周年之际,我们会计算retweets和支持者的数量,并将这一数字写入呼吁释放刘晓波的公开信中。这封信将于12月11日送交美国总统奥巴马、中国国家主席胡锦涛、中国驻美大使馆和中国最高人民检察院的。

敬请加入我们的活动,传递正义之声,协力援救刘晓波!

To see the interview, click here. Harry appears at around the three minute mark.

What's Wrong with Prison Labor?

When I tell people about China's Laogai, often the first question people ask me is "What's wrong with prison labor?" Many people say that prisoners ought to labor, either as punishment or to pay for the cost of their imprisonment, and point out that the U.S. allows prison labor. I recently read a blog post arguing that prison labor would be a better deterrent to crime than just prison. Usually I respond by saying that prison labor in the U.S. is different from prison labor in China--working conditions in the Laogai are appalling, prisoners are forced to work, are not compensated for their work, and if they don't meet their production quotas prisoners are often beaten or have their meals withheld. So although the U.S. allows prison labor, it is very different from prison labor in China. Even so, there are some fundamental problems with prison labor in general that are worth pointing out.

Prison labor, particularly unpaid prison labor as they have in China, creates problems for those who wish to keep prison populations small and minimize arbitrary or unnecessary detention, and for those who believe in free markets with true competition. To the first point, a system in which the government stands to profit from imprisoning its people provides a perverse incentive for that government to continue to imprison more and more people. Many U.S. states already have prison labor, and, in fact, the five states with the highest incarceration rates as of 2007 (Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Oklahoma, and Alabama, respectively) all have active prison labor programs. (This fact also discredits the deterrent argument.) To be fair, the state with the lowest incarceration rate, Maine, also allows prison labor, so it is ambiguous whether the U.S. use of prison labor contributes to our notoriously high incarceration rates, but the connection should at the very least give us pause.  (More after the jump)

Another problem with prison labor, in China or the US, is that it takes jobs away from law-abiding citizens. Prisoners are often paid below the prevailing wage, and do not require health benefits, making them substantially cheaper to employ. A bill was brought before the Texas Senate this year to reform prison labor laws precisely because prison labor in the state is taking jobs away from law-abiding Texans who are already suffering in the economic downturn. So even though it sounds nice to say that prisoners should work to earn their keep, it doesn't really make sense when that means taking jobs away from ordinary citizens.

All of that being said, I am certainly not opposed to work programs that are voluntary, are aimed at rehabilitation (and specifically at reducing recidivism rates), that do not profit the government, and that do not take jobs away from law-abiding citizens. Does Chinese prison labor meet these standards? Absolutely not. Does American prison labor? I'm no expert on U.S. prisons, and it depends on the state, but there are certainly some questionable programs out there. Of course, even the worst of U.S. prison labor programs is nothing close to the egregious human rights abuses that occur inside China's Laogai on a daily basis.
 

Free Liu Xiaobo

劳改研究基金会正在发起一项为期10天的Twitter运动,

敦促中国政府释放刘晓波。作为中国的一名不同政见者,刘晓波一直致力于呼吁中国实现人权和民主,他是参与起草了促进中国和平政治改革的网络宣言《08宪章》,该宣言的签署人数现已多达一万。刘晓波在《宪章》发布前两天,即2008年12月8日被中共当局逮捕,并一直被非法关押,直至到2009年6月,他被中国政府控以“煽动颠覆国家政权”罪。至今,刘晓波尚未获得审判。

为纪念刘晓波被捕一周年,我们发起了一项为期10天Twitter的运动。加入这一活动,请点击这里,然后点击retweet。我们也鼓励您通过Facebook、电子邮件、您的个人博客甚至你的朋友来共襄盛举!在12月10日午夜,即《08年宪章》发布一周年之际,我们会计算retweets和支持者的数量,并将这一数字写入呼吁释放刘晓波的公开信中。这封信将于12月11日送交美国总统奥巴马、中国国家主席胡锦涛、中国驻美大使馆和中国最高人民检察院的。

敬请加入我们的活动,传递正义之声,协力援救刘晓波!

沒有判決書的判決 (作者:啄木鳥)

大千世界,無奇不有。尤其是在今天高速發展、日新月異的中國,那片土地上每天都發生著一些令人震驚和不解的事,它們沖擊著人們的感受,試探著人們的心理底線。  

上周,維權人士黃琦在成都市武侯區法院一審被以“非法持有國家機密罪”判刑三年。此訊一出,人們無不感到震驚。

大家知道黃琦的被判,與他在2008年“5. 12大地震”後,極積參與當地的救災活動,多次進出災區為地震中死亡學生的家長提供幫助,並在網上撰文揭露“豆腐渣”工程有關。按理說,黃琦的這些行為是道義和良知的體現,是值得我們每個人學習的。但現實並非人們想像的那樣,他的行為非但得不到有關當局的褒揚,反而被以“非法持有國家機密罪”論處!真讓人奇怪莫名。

黃琦乃一平頭百姓,既無官職又無權力,能持有什麽國家機密呢? 只不過寫了幾篇文章反映災區的“豆腐渣”工程而已。莫非那些倒塌的校舍、樓房屬於國家機密?看來這個國家的機密還真不少啊!大家得留點兒神,沒準一不小心哪天這頂“非法持有國家機密”的帽子就扣到頭上來了。

此外,還有一令人不解與奇怪的事:成都武侯區法院在對黃琦宣判後竟然不給判決書!

我等雖不是法律專家,但也稍懂點兒常識,知道法院判決一個案子,應當給案件當事人或其律師和親屬一份判決書。中國的《刑訟法解釋》裏也規定法院有義務在宣判後應立即將判決書送達案件當事人、法定代理、訴訟代理人、提起公訴的檢察院、辯護人和被告人的親屬。而此次武侯區法院不按規矩行事,拒絕給黃琦判決書,不知是何緣故,難道是心虛理虧不成?抑或是裏面又包藏著什麽不可告人的秘密?

 給人判罪卻不給人判決書,古今未有!莫非這又是中國的一個特色!

没有判决书的判决 (作者:啄木鸟)

大千世界,无奇不有。尤其是在今天高速发展、日新月异的中国,那片土地上每天都发生着一些令人震惊和不解的事,它们冲击着人们的感受,试探着人们的心理底线。   

上周,维权人士黄琦在成都市武侯区法院一审被以非法持有国家机密罪判刑三年。此讯一出,人们无不感到震惊。

大家知道黄琦的被判,与他在2008“5. 12大地震后,极积参与当地的救灾活动,多次进出灾区为地震中死亡学生的家长提供帮助,并在网上撰文揭露豆腐渣工程有关。按理说,黄琦的这些行为是道义和良知的体现,是值得我们每个人学习的。但现实并非人们想像的那样,他的行为非但得不到有关当局的褒扬,反而被以非法持有国家机密罪论处!真让人奇怪莫名。 

黄琦乃一平头百姓,既无官职又无权力,能持有什么国家机密呢? 只不过写了几篇文章反映灾区的豆腐渣工程而已。莫非那些倒塌的校舍、楼房属于国家机密?看来这个国家的机密还真不少啊!大家得留点儿神,没准一不小心哪天这顶非法持有国家机密的帽子就扣到头上来了 

此外,还有一令人不解与奇怪的事:成都武侯区法院在对黄琦宣判后竟然不给判决书! 
我等虽不是法律专家,但也稍懂点儿常识,知道法院判决一个案子,应当给案件当事人或其律师和亲属一份判决书。中国的《刑讼法解释》里也规定法院有义务在宣判后应立即将判决书送达案件当事人、法定代理、诉讼代理人、提起公诉的检察院、辩护人和被告人的亲属。而此次武侯区法院不按规矩行事,拒绝给黄琦判决书,不知是何缘故,难道是心虚理亏不成?抑或是里面又包藏着什么不可告人的秘密?

 给人判罪却不给人判决书,古今未有!莫非这又是中国的一个特色!

《蝸居》引發社會爭議背後的現實思考

中國政府的廉潔度在全球180個政府當中僅排第108位,中國公眾當中甚至流行著“貪汙是常態,不貪是變態”一說,對官員缺乏信任的嚴重程度可見一斑。

近幾個月來,“今天你蝸居了嗎?”成了中國網路最新的問候語之一。電視劇《蝸居》對中國房地產業背後的官商勾結、大玩錢權色交易的政府官員、房價泡沫下掙紮求存的普通民眾、依附於權貴的”二奶“等現象直白刻畫,直指當今中國社會的幾個主要弊病,從而引發公眾的廣泛共鳴和熱議。

使《蝸居》廣受關註的另一個因素也許是幾度傳出的廣電總局禁播該劇的傳聞,網民對這樣的傳言毫不為奇,因為該劇所反映的各種問題“太現實、太直接”,不僅使政府顏面掃地,而且容易制造”不和諧“的輿論氛圍。雖然當局暫時默許了《蝸居》的播出,但該劇本身已經開始下意識地避免觸及政府底線。雖然劇中人物經歷、社會文化背景、地域特征十分鮮明,幾乎讓所有觀眾都不約而同地猜到了該劇的地點——上海,然而電視劇卻用了一個莫名其妙的虛構地名。網民猜測,這是為了”避免惹麻煩“,“總不能讓上海政府官員對號入座吧”。顯然,中國公眾對政府的心虛早已心照不宣,也懂得如何“自覺”避免觸及當局的審查底線,這令人無法不感到是可笑又可悲的怪現狀。

《蜗居》引发社会争议背后的现实思考


中国政府的廉洁度在全球180个政府当中仅排第108位,中国公众当中甚至流行着“贪污是常态,不贪是变态”一说,对官员缺乏信任的严重程度可见一斑。

近几个月来,“今天你蜗居了吗?”成了中国网路最新的问候语之一。电视剧《蜗居》对中国房地产业背后的官商勾结、大玩钱权色交易的政府官员、房价泡沫下挣扎求存的普通民众、依附于权贵的”二奶“等现象直白刻画,直指当今中国社会的几个主要弊病,从而引发公众的广泛共鸣和热议。

使《蜗居》广受关注的另一个因素也许是几度传出的广电总局禁播该剧的传闻,网民对这样的传言毫不为奇,因为该剧所反映的各种问题“太现实、太直接”,不仅使政府颜面扫地,而且容易制造”不和谐“的舆论氛围。虽然当局暂时默许了《蜗居》的播出,但该剧本身已经开始下意识地避免触及政府底线。虽然剧中人物经历、社会文化背景、地域特征十分鲜明,几乎让所有观众都不约而同地猜到了该剧的地点——上海,然而电视剧却用了一个莫名其妙的虚构地名。网民猜测,这是为了”避免惹麻烦“,“总不能让上海政府官员对号入座吧”。显然,中国公众对政府的心虚早已心照不宣,也懂得如何“自觉”避免触及当局的审查底线,这令人无法不感到是可笑又可悲的怪现状。

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